RIVALRY BETWEEN LAND AND WATER ROUTES.
PAUCITY OF INTERSTATE-FREIGHT MOVEMENTS OVER ARTIFICIAL
CHANNELS IN 1840,
AND CAUSES WHICH CHECKED THEIR GROWTH.
THE condition of transportation development in the United States
in 1840 is peculiarly instructive in connection with the projects
then seriously discussed, and controversies that have agitated
the country since that time, relating to the comparative cost
on land and water routes of lengthy freight movements, and the
sort of discrimination which fixes the charges for them at a much
lower rate per ton per mile than the rate imposed on short freight
movements.
In 1840 the power to make such distinctions on a scale of considerable
national significance was vested chiefly in state governments.
The only two lines over which they could be made effectually were
the New York canals and the main line of the state of Pennsylvania,
both of which were under the management of political officials,
controlled, directly or indirectly, by legislatures; and every
other railroad or canal then existing that was of sufficient length
to engage extensively in through interstate-commerce movements
had been assisted by state loans or state stock subscriptions
to an extent that would justify absolute control of the general
subject of the relations between through and local rates.
It was, therefore, the right and duty of the people and their
direct agents to decide what those relations should be. If rates
were adjusted on erroneous principles they suffered as taxpayers,
because they were the chief financial supporters of all the railways
and canals then existing, either by direct outlays, such as those
made by New York and Pennsylvania for constructing their state
works, or by indirect outlays, such as those made in various other
states through subscriptions to stock, or loans of state bonds.
The practical decision generally reached on this question,
in 1840 and for some years later, both by the state governments
in imposing tolls, and most of the private companies in their
combined charges for the equivalent of tolls and freight, was
to impose a given rate per ton per mile, without regard to distance.
This system had a thorough trial. The idea which found enthusiastic
advocates at a later period, that no distinctions of the kind
indicated should be made, or more especially none in favor of
long movements, was extensively tested, and the results are known.
Indeed a number of the prevailing practices and prejudices were
in favor of discriminations in behalf of local trade and travel,
and if decisions of the United States courts had not severely
checked such tendencies it would be difficult to say how far they
might have been carried.
A principal effect of this restrictive or discriminating policy
was a failure of lengthy lines to serve a leading end of their
existence. In other words, there were no extensive through or
interstate-freight movements of bulky articles over artificial
land or water routes in 1840. The most important channels for
such movements were the New York canals, and official reports
of their operations in 1840 show that in that year, out of a total
movement of 1,417,046 tons, in both directions, the proportion
received from other states was 214,456 tons, a little more than
one-seventh of the entire movement, and the value of all such
receipts, via Buffalo and Oswego, was only $7,877,358. The Pennsylvania
main line had failed, most disastrously, to serve as a favorite
channel for east-bound through movements of bulky western products.
In 1835 the entire movement over the Portage Railroad was only
about fifty thousand tons, and although this may have been subsequently
increased, the eastbound through-freight movement over that road
never reached considerable magnitude. This was partly because
the composite character of the Pennsylvania main line, with its
changes from canals to railroads, rendered it unable to compete
in cost with the cheaper water channels of New York, and partly
because the lakes furnished better feeders of traffic than the
Ohio river; but there was a comparatively small amount of eastbound
through movements on both these lines combined, and the principal
advantage, in a national commercial point of view, resulting from
the construction of the main line of the Pennsylvania state works,
hinged on the fact that it enabled Philadelphia merchants to retain
western trade which they would have lost without such aid. On
account of the lower latitude in which the Pennsylvania canals
were located, they could be opened earlier in the spring, and
kept open later in the fall, than the New York canals, and they,
therefore, furnished available channels of trade to Philadelphia
and other portions of Pennsylvania during some weeks of every
season at periods when Now York did not possess similar advantages.
HOW THE GREAT WESTERN EMIGRATION MOVEMENT WAS MADE.
The following instructive and interesting account of the method
of conducting the emigration movement to the Mississippi valley
during the fourth decade is furnished in Flint's History of the
Mississippi Valley, published in 1832:
"On account of the universality and cheapness of steamboat
and canal passage and transport, more than half the whole number
of immigrants now arrive in the west by water. This remark applies
to nine-tenths of those that come from Europe and the northern
states. They thus escape much of the expense, slowness, inconvenience,
and danger of the ancient, cumbrous, and tiresome journey in wagons.
They no longer experience the former vexations of incessant altercations
with landlords, mutual charges of dishonesty, discomfort from
new modes of speech and reckoning money, from breaking down carriages,
and wearing out horses. . . . Immigrants from Virginia, the two
Carolinas, and Georgia still immigrate, after the ancient fashion,
in the southern wagon. This is a vehicle almost unknown at the
north, strong, comfortable, commodious, containing not only a
movable kitchen, but provisions and beds. Drawn by four or six
horses, it subserves all the various intentions of house, shelter,
and transport, and is, in fact, the southern ship of the forests
and prairies. The horses that convey the wagon are large and powerful
animals, followed by servants, cattle, sheep, swine, dogs, the
whole forming a primitive caravan, not unworthy of ancient days,
and the plains of Mamre. The procession moves on with power in
its dust, putting to shame and uncomfortable feelings of comparison
the northern family with their slight wagon, jaded horses, and
subdued though jealous countenances. Their vehicle stops; and
they scan the staunch strong southern hulk, with its chimes of
bells, its fat black drivers, and its long train of concomitants,
until they have swept by.
Perhaps more than half the northern immigrants arrive at present
by way of the New York canal and lake Erie. If their destination
be the upper waters of the Wabash, they debark at Sandusky, and
continue their route without approaching the Ohio. The greater
number make their way from the lake to the Ohio, either by the
Erie and Ohio or the Dayton canal. From all points, except those
west of the Guyandot route and the national road, when they arrive
at the Ohio, or its navigable waters, the greater number of the
families 'take water.' Emigrants from Pennsylvania will henceforth
reach the Ohio on the great Pennsylvania canal, and will 'take
water' at Pittsburgh. If bound to Indiana, Illinois, or Missouri,
they build or purchase a family boat. Many of these boats are
comfortably fitted up, and are neither inconvenient nor unpleasant
floating houses. Two or three families sometimes fit up a large
boat in partnership, purchase an 'Ohio Pilot,' a book that professes
to instruct them on the mysteries of navigating the Ohio; and
if the Ohio be moderately high, and the weather pleasant, this
voyage, unattended with either difficulty or danger, is ordinarily
a trip of pleasure. A number of the wealthier emigrant families
take passage in a steamboat."
FREIGHT TARIFFS PROPOSED BY ROBERT FULTON IN 1796.
Recurring to the main topic, of the deplorable lack of extensive
through interstate-freight movements over all artificial channels,
which was largely due to the fact that no material distinctions
were made in toll or freight charges to favor or encourage lengthy
movements, it is a notable circumstance that forty-four years
before the period under discussion, long before a single mile
of railway had been constructed, and when canal improvements were
only beginning to attract serious consideration, Robert Fulton,
the pioneer of successful steamboat operations, had clearly pointed
out the necessity of such distinctions or discriminations.
In a letter be addressed to Thomas Mifflin, Governor of Pennsylvania,
in 1796, advocating the construction of a canal between Pittsburgh
and Philadelphia, he very forcibly depicted the necessity of lowering
the charges per ton per mile on distant movements, and practically
constructed for this projected line a freight tariff analogous
to those in force during late years on many railway lines, but
which few or none of the railway or canal lines existing in 1840
had the wisdom to adopt. In this remarkable letter Mr. Fulton,
in describing the system that should be adopted in connection
with the management of a canal extending from Philadelphia to
Pittsburgh, said:
"If I proceed with this progressive and creative system till
a canal reached Fort Pitt, which, with some bends, I will call
360 miles, the country which the canal would accommodate would
widen as it was more remote from Philadelphia. For instance, the
man who lived 20 miles from Philadelphia might convey his goods
7 to the canal; the man at 40 miles distance might go 14 or 15
to the canal; at 60 miles, 20 to the canal, and so on, till at
the extremity of 360 miles they would probably go 50 on each side
to the canal; hence, if I average the whole, such a canal may
be said to accommodate a country 360 miles long and 50 miles wide,
on which the tonnage (or tolls) must now be regulated.
The man who resides 20 miles from Philadelphia, and 7 from
the canal, should he convey a ton of goods by land, it would be
worth at least fifteen shillings, as it would employ a man and
two horses two days.
Thus the saving would be six shillings, and the tonnage (tolls)
should increase to a certain sum on the first hundred miles of
canal, keeping much within the limits of land carriage, then decrease
as the boating increased, in order to draw the trade of the
back country into the canal.
The expense of boating a ton 20 miles will be as follows:A
man, boy, and horse will convey forty tons 20 miles for ten shillings,
which is three pence per ton for 20 miles; but to allow for contingencies,
say four pence per ton for boating 20 miles, the tonnage and boating
on the 360 miles should then be regulated, perhaps, in the following
order:
* This being within the limits of land carriage,
the tonnage (tons) must now begin to decrease as the boating is
increased.
If the boats return without back
carriage, the expense of boating, which on the 360 miles is six
shillings, must be deducted from the tolls, and in proportion
on the various parts of the canal.
By this system the country, at the extremity of 360 miles,
would deliver goods at Philadelphia for twenty-one shillings
and eight pence, which is the same as paid at the distance
of one hundred miles, to which the land carriage to the
canal must be added. But as such a system would open a market
to the remote country, every acre of ground within reach of the
canal would be more valuable, and the carriage to the canal must
be borne for some years. But as population increased, and the
tonnage on the main line became productive, lateral branches would
be cut from the canal, and thus further improve the country, the
tonnage (or tolls) on such branches being proportioned, as before
stated, according to the distance from the city."
ELLET'S LAWS OF TRADE, SHOWING INJURIOUS EFFECTS
OF
OVERCHARGES AND UNDERCHARGES
Other significant references to this subject were contained
in a pamphlet devoted to it, entitled Laws of Trade, and a popular
explanation of its contents, published by Charles Ellet, jr.,
in 1840. He was one of the most distinguished civil engineers
of that era. The detailed explanations are so abstruse that it
is almost impossible for unprofessional readers to fully comprehend
them, or to recognize the force of the statements and arguments
presented. One of the leading ideas advanced was that the tax-payers
of the states which had made large investments in public works
were then suffering pecuniarily, through avoidable diminutions
of the revenue of those lines, and that the country at large was
not benefited to the extent that was desirable and, possible,
on account of a failure to construct toll sheets in accordance
with principles which, in some of their most vital features, substantially
accord with those enunciated by Fulton in 1796. Mr. Ellet, in
defining the most judicious charge on articles of heavy burden
and small value, contended that the charge at each point should
be "proportional to the ability of the article to sustain."
This is only a paraphrase of the expression "what the traffic
will bear," and Mr. Ellet approached still nearer to that
famous expression by speaking of "the greatest tax for carriage
which the commodity will bear." His pamphlet probably had
considerable influence in directing the attention of railway managers
to the importance of remodeling their tariffs in a way that would
encourage and greatly increase lengthy through movements of cheap
and bulky freight. He was, perhaps, the first person in the United
States to lay down precise rules for the framing of toll sheets
and freight charges on internal improvements, and some of his
views might be advantageously adopted by those who have since
carried the principle of cheapening lengthy movements to excessive
and injurious limits.
To promote ease of explanation he adopted a distinction between
freight and toll, which makes his remarks applicable to railway
lines owned and operated by a given company, as well to state
canals or railways, on which boats or cars were furnished by individuals.
He said: "I shall designate by freight every expense
actually incurred in the carriage of the community, and by toll
the clear profit on its transportation; so that if the carrier,
or transporting company, charge seven mills per mile for the carriage
of one ton of any article, and the cost of repairs and superintendence
of the line due to the passage of that ton is three mills per
mile, I call the freight on the article one cent per ton
per mile, and any charge, exceeding this three mills, which is
assessed by the state or company, is what I denominate their toll."
He contended that this toll was improperly and unjustly levied
on all American lines in 1840, and gave a number of illustrations
of the losses of trade arising from the system of uniform charges
per mile. The list of conclusions he reached embraced the following:
"At the distance of one hundred miles from the mart, in
the usual tariffs, a commodity is charged one dollar where it
might bear a charge of three, and at three hundred miles it is
charged three dollars where it could bear but one."
"The greater the distance the commodity is carried the
less should be the toll levied upon it."
"However we depart from the charge which will yield the
greatest revenue, there will be an increase or diminution of tonnage,
and, of course, always a decrease of revenue. If the departure
be an overcharge, the tonnage will be reduced a quantity directly
proportional to the value of the overcharge, and the revenue proportional
to the square of that departure."
"Where the object is to obtain the greatest possible revenue,
it is a general law, susceptible of satisfactory proof, that the
charge for toll should not exceed half that charge which would
exclude the trade from the line."
"Where the most judicious charge is levied, the tonnage
of the line will be one-half of the tonnage which would be obtained
if no toll at all were exacted."
"Whatever unnecessary tax is levied on the trade is at
least so much deducted from the revenue of the improvement."
In discussing the methods that should be pursued to derive
the greatest profit from a given trade in articles of heavy burden
and small value, he laid down the following rule:
"To attain the greatest possible revenue from the trade,
under a uniform charge, the profit received from each ton must
be equal to the expense of its carriage."
This rule has been disregarded or violated in many modern railway
operations, in the direction of undercharges, as persistently
as the rules relating to overcharges were violated by managers
of the early lines. An immense amount of freight has been carried
on railways at rates that yielded no profit whatever over absolute
cost of movement. Many causes contributed to such practices, some
of the most prominent of which are active rivalries and aggressive
railway wars. If Mr. Ellet's rule is even approximately correct,
it may suggest advantageous changes in some freight tariffs wherever
the desire to secure the greatest possible revenue, which is always
strong, is not counteracted by antagonistic requirements.
THE CONFLICT BETWEEN RAIL AND WATER CARRIERS.
The systems pertaining to freight charges briefly discussed
above, and plans for reducing the cost of railway freight movements,
have an important bearing on the railway systems fairly commenced
and projected in 1840. There were few problems then more earnestly
discussed in engineering, commercial, and speculative circles,
than the extent to which railways would probably be able to compete
with canals and rivers as freight carriers. The groundwork of
extensive practical tests of this question had already been established,
by the rapidly advancing chain of railway connections running
parallel with the Erie Canal; the commencement of the construction
of the New York and Erie Railroad; the earnest advocacy of the
completion of lines which would furnish railway connections between
the city of New York and Albany, and thus parallel the North river;
the near approach of the Reading railroad to the Schuylkill anthracite
regions for the purpose of competing with the Schuylkill Canal
as a coal carrier; the completion of the Philadelphia, Wilmington
and Baltimore which furnished a railway link between Philadelphia
and Baltimore and thus presented a choice of routes to shippers
who had previously depended exclusively on the natural and artificial
water routes connecting the two cities; the completion of a new
railway and a now canal by the New Jersey companies connecting
Philadelphia and New York; and various other enterprises.
Aside from these works, on which the merits and demerits of
each of the respective land-and water-route methods have been
tested in thousands of competitive struggles, extending through
many years, and characterized by every variety of incident that
the ingenuity, inventive genius, and adventurous spirit of a progressive
people could suggest, a large proportion of all the railways projected
in 1840 and built for some years after that period were vitally
affected by the varying aspects of the irrepressible conflict
between land and water routes as freight carriers.
The topography of the country created an immense basis of such
struggles, in the oceanic boundary of the Atlantic seaboard on
the east, the gulf of Mexico on the south, the lakes, St. Lawrence,
and New York canals on the north, the Mississippi and its tributaries
on the west, and the Appalachian chain which separated the seaboard
states from those lying west of its mountain barriers.
Under old systems there were only two great natural outletsthe
Mississippi and the St. Lawrencefor the bulk of the products
of the interior portions of the United States lying west of the
Appalachian chain. All modern American improvements, whether railways
or canals, intended to affect the trade of this vast and productive
region, have aimed at diverting portions of it to the districts
or states which contained the principal part of such improvements.
The entire trade of the country of national significance had
tended towards one of the four water systems which in 1840 were
the practical boundaries of American development. The trade all
went to and from either the Atlantic coast on the east, the gulf
on the south, the lakes and the St. Lawrence on the north, or
the Mississippi and its tributaries on the west. Therefore, every
railway intended to serve anything more than local purposes aimed
at a connection with one of these water channels, and the projectors
of nearly all lines or combinations of lines which were expected
to become parts of a through route of considerable consequence
endeavored to establish a link between two or more of the four
great water systems.
After such connections were formed, it still remained a question
whether extensive links would prove profitable, and a leading
factor in this problem was the relative cost of the through-rail
movements contemplated and the rival movements that could be made
over water routes, or combinations of rail and water routes. There
has probably never been in the trade history of the world a contest
so complicated as that which has arisen from the protracted struggle
between these rival systems. It has not merely been a fight between
an elephant and a whale, or between land routes ranged on one
side and water routes on the other, but between the two rival
routes of the lakes and the Mississippi, or the two whales; between
various land routes leading eastward, which might be compared
to gigantic elephants, and between combinations of elephants with
little whales on one side and combinations of big whales and little
elephants on the other. Two of the general tendencies that have
prevailed amid many mutations are a steady cheapening of the cost
of freight movements and an increase of the relative magnitude
of the movement made eastward, parallel with the natural water
route of the lakes and the St. Lawrence, as compared with the
movement made southward, via the Mississippi.
If methods had not been devised for cheapening rail movements
to a marvelous extent, their share in this great struggle would
have been comparatively insignificant, but the fact that they
were thus cheapened forms one of the most momentous changes in
modern industrial history, and one of the cheapening agencies
to which attention was first directed was the application of the
Fulton and Ellet principles to extensive through-rail movements.
Others were furnished by a long line of engineering and mechanical
improvements.
Transport Systems
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