SUPPRESS THE REBELLION.
Harper's Weekly EditorialJuly
14, 1894
From Sketches by G. A. Coffin
The PrinciplesPullman,
Davis, Debs
Blockade Chicago & Northwestern
RR
Marshall's OfficeChicage &
Northwestern Round-House
Deputies at Chicago, Rock Island,
& Pacific RR
Headquarters of the Strikers
Police Guarding a Switch-Tower
At the Union DepotDriving
out an EngineerDrawing Spikes from Switches
Blockade at Grand CrossingLargest
Railway Crossing in the World
A POWERFUL conspiracy is at work over large sections of the
country striving to subvert the government of law and to impose
on the nation the decrees of the conspirators. Its chiefs are
open and defiant in declaring their purpose; they are already
supported and obeyed by two hundred thousand misguided men, and
other hundreds of thousands are wavering in their allegiance to
the republic, and seem ready to join the rebels if any weakness
is shown or mistake made by the authorities whom the people have
intrusted with their protection. EUGENE
V. DEBS and his fellow-demagogues long
ago avowed that they would unite in an association the railway
working-men of the country, so that all should obey a single will,
promising that them a general suspension of traffic and intercourse
ordered by its head would so evidently portend the utter ruin
of the nation that the mere threat of it would extort from every
community and every employer of labor compliance with its demands.
They have prosecuted this plan with wonderful vigor, until now,
believing that their organization is strong enough to defy opposition,
they have made a wanton display of their power, in order to terrorize
society and show themselves its masters. There is no longer even
the empty pretext, with which the PULLMAN
boycott began, of a wrong done to somebody which the public were
to be forced to force somebody else to redress. The avowed aim
of the American Railway Union, with its allies, the Knights of
Labor and kindred associations, is to subjugate the people of
the United States, to extort from the nation the control and management
of its high ways, intercourse, and commerce, and place them in
the hands of irresponsible imitators of JACK
CADE and PERKIN
WARBECK.
Much hair-splitting has been done in discussing the lawfulness
of the course pursued by the managers of this so-called "strike."
Their boast from the first was that they would stop all traffic,
and extort their demands by the consequent general suffering.
In pursuance of this end they took the measures which were best
adapted to secure it. They distinctly announced their purposes,
and then "called out" one after another of the bodies
of working-men whose services are most essential. But the number
of unemployed and unorganized laborers was so great that the mere
cessation of work by the members of the unions would not suffice.
Their places could be filled in a short time by men in extreme
need of employment. Throughout the region of the strike, accordingly,
the followers of DEBS began a systematic
effort to carry out his declared policy and to obey his implied
orders. They established a reign of terror over their fellow-workers
who were unwilling to join them, or who, because they and their
families were starving could not afford to forego their wages.
No man must be permitted to do the work they had abandoned. On
every line of railroad affected by the strike violence was used
or threatened to any extent which was necessary to obstruct it.
Property was destroyed and life imperiled without scruple. The
general situation for several days, as recognized by the labor
leaders and by the entire public, was one of open war, to the
extent that the railroad companies were exerting all the means
in their control to keep their lines open, with an ample force
of willing workmen ready to serve them, while the strikers and
their allies, including every disorderly and dangerous element
of the population, confronted them at all points with force and
prevented the movement of trains. Volunteer workmen were assaulted
and injured, switches were turned, couplings detached and broken,
station-houses burned, engines and cars destroyed, and in at least
one case a committee appointed for the purpose by a meeting of
union men made a destructive attack on railway property.
Through all this time DEBS and his fellow-councilmen
continued to announce daily through the press that they countenance
no violence, and to call on the men to exercise simply their individual
right of refusing to work. This impudent falsehood is taken seriously
by some journalists, whose credulity is too great to be sincere.
No adult who has ever learned to read is so silly as to be imposed
on by it. Yet when writers in daily journals assure the public
that any interference with this conspiracy by the authorities
is an extreme measure, that a "compromise" is desirable
with the strikers, that, in particular, the use of force by the
United States to prevent a commercial blockade is a questionable
strain upon the constitutional powers of the government, it is
time to give clear expression to the principles of public law
applicable to this emergency, though not so much of special learning
in the law as of simple candor and of the commonsense of mankind
is needed to understand them.
The purpose of interfering with the trade and intercourse of
the community is an unlawful purpose. When men combine to effect
an unlawful purpose, even by acts each of which may be in itself
no offence, they are guilty of conspiracy, and all who abet them,
knowing their purpose, share the guilt. When the traffic with
which they aim to interfere crosses State lines, the offence is
against the general government, which has exclusive control of
commerce between the States. When the methods pursued by these
men are such that violence, disorder, the destruction of property
and life, result from them as their natural and probable consequences,
the men are themselves guilty of the crimes they have provoked,
and caused. When an organized and armed body of men resist by
force or threats the officers of the national government in their
efforts to enforce the laws and to protect traffic which crosses
State lines, they are guilty of levying war against the United
States; and every one who instigates or abets them, by word or
deed, lends aid and comfort to the enemies of the republic, and
is, not only morally, but legally, a traitor to his country.
These are elementary and settled principles of the criminal
law. It is the duty of the President to enforce them, and of all
citizens to sustain him, and if need be to aid him in doing so
to the extreme limit of their power, with their services, their
fortunes, and their lives. He must use the force of the United
States in this duty, beginning with the civil authorities, supporting
them in case of need with the army, and if this be insufficient,
calling out an adequate force of militia and volunteers. The issue
is one which involves the existence of the government, and there
has been no crisis in all our history the facts of which made
a stronger appeal to the patriotism and intelligence of the people
as a whole to make every necessary sacrifice for its preservation.
The one duty of the hour is to crush the rebellion, to assert
the right and the power of our free institutions to protect themselves
against usurpation and anarchy.
But at this
momentous crisis voices are heard in public office and in the
press calling for compromise, arid protesting against the execution
of the laws. The Mayor of Springfield encourages rioters to obstruct
trains. The Mayor of Chicago, with half his "city fathers"
at his heels, begs the community to yield to the intimidations
of the mob. The Governor of Illinois, in the light of burning
property and amid the howls of furious throngs bent on cutting
off the food of his citizens and destroying their traffic, informs
the President of the United States that interference by him with
the people of Illinois is unjustifiable. While the traffic of
his chief city is nearly stopped, and its streets and highways
are occupied by an armed mob, who forcibly suppress every effort
to transport passengers and freight, and sentence to death working-men
who strive to earn honest wages, this anarchist solemnly asserts
that "the law has been thoroughly executed, and, every man
guilty of violating it during the Strike has been brought to justice."
These words are applied by him literally to the great mining strike
in the coal-fields of Illinois recently ended, but are cunningly
so inserted in the despatch as to impress the reader with the
belief that they are meant to be asserted of the present strike
also. In fact, they are as false of the one as of the other. All
these blatant demagogues are simply bidding for the votes of laboring-men
whom they believe to be so deeply and permanently deluded that
they will give political support to officers who have betrayed
their trust. They will find out their mistake. The strike leaders
themselves look with utter contempt on such shuffling imbecility.
The men in office who in critical times have won the lasting
confidence of all the people, even of the stuff that the worst
mobs are made of, are the men who have resisted every mob and
all disorder to the death, and have asserted, without regard to
the cost in money or in lives, the authority or orderly government.
The lesson of the supremacy of law must be taught promptly,
effectually, and to all. If the first lesson must needs be given
by the bayonet and the bullet, it will be in every way cheapest
and best to administer it in the first clear case of resistance
to authority. When order is restored, and it becomes an undisputed
fact that any man wishing to do an honest day's work on a railroad
or elsewhere shall be free to do so, in spite of DEBS
and all his minions, it will be time enough to consider the other
aspects of this great social disturbance. Crush the terrorism
which forbids working-men to earn bread for their families, and
soon the arrogant plot to stop the commerce of a nation in order
to glorify and strengthen a few irresponsible demagogues will
die out of itself. The normal course of the markets will be restored,
the mails will go forward, industrious citizens can freely go
out to their work and return to their homes, a hundred thousand
families now suffering by the enforced idleness of their heads
will again be properly fed, and all the countless wheels of commerce
will cheerfully turn again. But, most important of all, the most
serious menace which during this generation has been directed
against the free society of this land will have ended in a failure
so complete that it cannot be renewed. These events disclose a
real danger to our institutions, and to civilization itself; but
it lies only in this, that some public men, and even some journalists,
are weak enough in mind and character to suggest a compromise
with crime, a yielding of the majesty of law before the dictates
of a mob. That way lies ruin. One step in that direction is a
sacrifice of what makes the republic glorious in its past or worth
preserving for its future. Until the rebellion is suppressed,
all differences of opinion concerning its origin, or the merits
of the parties to the dispute out of which it grew, are irrelevant
to the issue of the hour, and must wait for the future.
Present action must clear the field for future discussion.
Strike Page
| Contents Page
|